The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is once again at the center of bankrolling political sabotage in Zimbabwe, after leaked internal communications and institutional documents surfaced pointing to a coordinated campaign, dressed up as labour activism, to destabilise the Government of Zimbabwe. More …

Reports that Western governments – notably Canada, Sweden, and Switzerland – are covertly midwifing an opposition coalition against Constitutional Amendment No. 3 (2026) should surprise no serious student of Zimbabwe’s post-2000 political economy. The architecture is familiar: finance proxy platforms, elevate “civil society” fronts such as the Constitution Defenders Forum and the Defend the Constitution Platform, deploy seasoned intermediaries, and repackage regime-change ambitions as constitutional guardianship. It is intervention by indirection.

Zimbabwe’s Constitution is not an annex to Western foreign policy. It is a domestic covenant, amendable through lawful, sovereign procedures. Constitutional reform is neither aberrant nor authoritarian; it is the ordinary grammar of statecraft. From Paris to Ottawa, constitutions have been revised to meet evolving national imperatives. Zimbabwe’s review is no different. What is different is the reflexive Western impulse to internationalise our internal processes while sanctimoniously preaching sovereign equality. States that sustained two decades of sanctions – measures that crippled hospitals, industry, and currency stability – cannot plausibly claim moral trusteeship over Zimbabwe’s constitutional trajectory.

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The debate around Constitutional Amendment No. 3 is often clouded by familiar political slogans rather than careful thought. Yet when examined through the lenses of institutional development, economic planning and constitutional procedure, extending President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s tenure to 2030 can be understood not as mere political convenience, but as a strategic decision aimed at long-term national consolidation.

1. Constitutional change within the law

A constitution is not a museum piece; it is a working document designed to respond to changing national realities. If an amendment follows the procedures set out in the Constitution – through Parliament and other lawful processes – then it is an exercise in democracy, not a violation of it. The power to amend is built into the constitutional design precisely to keep it relevant and functional. More …

On this day, history pauses to acknowledge a man whose name is inseparable from Zimbabwe’s modern story. You stood at the intersection of intellect and resistance – a teacher turned liberation leader, a prisoner who emerged unbroken, and a statesman who carried the burden of nationhood at its most fragile hour. More …

I listened carefully to Blessed Mhlanga’s address in Geneva yesterday. As he spoke, one thought would not leave me: does he understand that words uttered in Geneva do not remain in Geneva? They travel. They are recorded. They are cited. They become material for policy briefs, risk assessments and diplomatic memoranda. They may also carry legal consequences back home.

There is an old proverb that says, “The coward lives long enough to point out the grave of the brave man to his children.” Properly understood, it is not a celebration of cowardice. It is a warning against reckless heroics. It reminds us that foolish bravery often ends in ruin, while caution and judgement preserve both life and purpose. In politics, as in war, uncalibrated boldness can destroy the very cause it claims to advance. More …