Aid with Conditions – Why Zimbabwe Chose Principle Over $350 Million

Zimbabwe recently rejected a proposed US$350 million health funding agreement with the United States after President Emmerson Mnangagwa directed his government to halt negotiations. The deal, presented under Washington’s America First Global Health Strategy, was intended to shape future US health support to Zimbabwe. However, Harare concluded that its conditions were incompatible with national sovereignty.

Two elements reportedly raised serious concern. First, the agreement sought direct access to Zimbabwe’s health data for a defined period – something officials viewed as excessive and potentially intrusive. Second, the US reportedly pushed for access to Zimbabwe’s critical mineral resources within the broader framework of the arrangement. In addition, Zimbabwe objected on principle to entering a bilateral health architecture with a country that had withdrawn from the World Health Organisation, arguing that such a move would weaken multilateral global health governance. More …

Zimbabwe Must Not Blink: Mutapa Investment Fund Must Lock Down Tongaat Hulett’s Lowveld Assets

I recently read Munyaradzi Hoto’s analysis on X about the demise of Tongaat Hulett. It sent me down a rabbit hole of court filings, business reports, creditor positioning, and the kind of corporate manoeuvring that could easily produce a blockbuster documentary. Yet for all the South Africa-centred drama, the most sobering realisation came later: Tongaat Hulett’s Zimbabwe operation in the Lowveld is not a minor subsidiary caught in someone else’s storm. It is a major node in the entire matrix. And once you see that, it becomes difficult to avoid the obvious conclusion – our government must ensure this asset becomes Zimbabwean-controlled going forward, through a lawful, market-based transaction anchored by Mutapa Investment Fund. More …

States Defend Themselves – History Leaves No Doubt

No, Cdes and foes alike – I will not budge on this. Not an inch. Not ever.

The issue is simple: when a citizen – in this case Blessed Mhlanga – goes abroad and appears to advocate external punitive pressure against his own country, the state should and will respond. That is not repression. That is sovereignty.

Let us stop hiding behind euphemisms. “International engagement” that results in sanctions is not diplomacy – it is punishment by proxy. Zimbabwe has already endured that punishment. Sanctions were not academic concepts. They were empty hospitals, broken industries, unpaid salaries and families driven into exile. The burden was carried by ordinary citizens, not by those performing outrage abroad. More …

VIVA 2030; Why Not?

The debate around Constitutional Amendment No. 3 is often clouded by familiar political slogans rather than careful thought. Yet when examined through the lenses of institutional development, economic planning and constitutional procedure, extending President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s tenure to 2030 can be understood not as mere political convenience, but as a strategic decision aimed at long-term national consolidation.

1. Constitutional change within the law

A constitution is not a museum piece; it is a working document designed to respond to changing national realities. If an amendment follows the procedures set out in the Constitution – through Parliament and other lawful processes – then it is an exercise in democracy, not a violation of it. The power to amend is built into the constitutional design precisely to keep it relevant and functional. More …

Understanding the 7-Year Election Cycle

This infographic explains Zimbabwe’s proposed shift from a five-year to a seven-year electoral cycle across all levels of government, while maintaining the constitutional two-term presidential limit. It highlights the legal basis for the change, clarifies that no national referendum is required for adjusting election cycles, and outlines the strategic rationale – policy continuity, institutional stability and alignment with comparative democratic practice.